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« Kabila didn’t have much training for democracy. His college education was a military academy in communist China » dixit Richard Miniter du FORBES MAGAZINE faisant encore de Révélations troublantes sur JOSEPH KABILA et ses 13 Ans de Regnes!

Richard Miniter du FORBES MAGAZINE fait encore de Révélations troublantes sur JOSEPH KABILA et ses 13 Ans de Regnes!

  

Ce matin 08 Aout 2014 aux USA, la presse Américaine continue la pression contre le pouvoir de Kinshasa. Le journal Forbes a publié ceci:
“Kabila n’a pas eu beaucoup de formation en démocratie. Son enseignement collégial était une académie militaire dans la Chine communiste. Il a tristement dirigé les célèbres «Kagodos,” une bande de peut-être 10 000 enfants soldats liés à des atrocités au Congo et au Rwanda voisins. Certains des enfants recrutés étaient aussi jeunes que sept an”

video

Obama is toasting some of Africa’s biggest thugs this week.

He is trumpeting the largest-ever gathering of African leaders on U.S. soil, at the U.S.-Africa Leaders Summit. Most are welcome. Some should not be– the ones who have written their rule in their people’s blood.

Take Congo President Joseph Kabila, who swanned into Andrews Air Force base on Sunday with military pomp.

Talk about misplaced honor. Try to find a human right that hasn’t been trampled in Kabila’s 13-year rule.

Sure, Kabila is the first Democratic Republic of the Congo president to be democratically elected since the former Belgian colony became independent in 1960. But dissidents fault both his 2006 and 2012 elections. Phantom votes in pro-Kabila districts, no ballots in opposition areas, they say, put him into office. The police habitually beat pro-democracy demonstrators. Cell phone photos show dissidents bleeding on the ground, their arms feebly trying to block the blows of police truncheons.

It wasn’t an election that first brought Kabila to power. It was his father’s death. So he essentially inherited his office—like a feudal lord.

Kabila didn’t have much training for democracy. His college education was a military academy in communist China. He led the infamous “Kagodos,” a band of perhaps 10,000 child soldiers tied to atrocities in Congo and neighboring Rwanda. Some of child-conscripts were as young as seven.

When the State department listed Congo for violating the “Child Soldiers Protection Act,” Obama issued a presidential exemption from sanctions in 2009. He said engagement was better than confrontation. That bet hasn’t worked out well.

The “war on women” isn’t a metaphor there. It is “the rape capital of the world,” U.N. special representative Margot Wallstrom told the Security Council in 2010. There are believed to be 48 rapes per hour in the Congo– and Kabila’s forces are the main culprits. Under Kabila, only some 300 soldiers have been jailed for rape. That is not enough, Kabila told CNN. There are more than 200,000 cases of rape reported. Rape reports surge every place that Kabila’s “army or police forces are deployed,” one U.N. report notes. Many girls and women are kidnapped, raped or mutilated, other U.N. reports say, with the aim of denying their tribe the next generation. Some mutilated girls in South Kivu province are as young as 18 months.

 

Then there are the alleged death squads. A Kabila ally, Gabriel Amisi Kumba was the chief of staff for the Land Forces of Congolese Army. He is linked to roving killers terrorizing North Kivu province, according to the Congo Independent.

 

A culture of brazen corruption permeates Kabila’s nation. A South African billionaire bragged to South Africa’s Sunday World that he received “a Chopard watch from André Kimbuta, governor of Kinshasa in the Democratic Republic of Congo. On giving him the present, Kimbuta announced: ‘This could feed 5,000 of the people here.’” Watches for billionaires, starvation for citizens? Maybe Obama should dust off his speeches about the 1%.

Kimbuta was also accused of ordering the 2008 killing of an opposition leader, allegedly paying the killers $1,200. He denied the charges. Life is cheap is Congo, death is even cheaper.

Kabila and his cronies are accused of pocketing billions in U.S. and European aid payments. Some estimates put the alleged ill-gotten gains at $15 billion.

Now Kabila is mulling staying in office when his term expires in 2016. His pending defiance of the Congo constitution will bring chaos to his country. President Obama, Secretary of State John Kerry and U.S. envoy Russ Feingold have pleaded with Kabila to leave on schedule. The Obama’s position was once clear: “Africa needs strong institutions, not strong men.”

If Obama stood firmly on this principle, Africa’s leaders would be prodded toward progress. Instead, he has softened.

Kabila replies with arrogant relativism. His nation’s pre-summit statement, posted on the White House website, declares: “Because of its complexity, the democratic process requires [sic] to take in account certain sociocultural parameters that are not transposable from one continent to another or from one country to another. Patterns borrowed or imposed from abroad have revealed their limitations on the continent.” So freedom is a shoddy foreign import?

Then Congo throws Obama’s words back in his face. “In this context, it makes sense to adhere to the realistic remarks of
President Barack Obama pronounced during a press conference at the
White House on July 14, 2012 when he said: ‘Africans must forge
sustainable solutions to their problems and build their own model of
democracy.’”

Obama’s own words are turned against him because relativism opens doors for tyrants. They snatch any thread to hold onto power.

Barring Kabila would have signaled that the U.S. is serious about removing strongmen in Africa.

http://jambotubes.com/2014/08/richard-miniter-du-forbes-magazine-fait-encore-de-revelations-troublantes-sur-joseph-kabila-et-ses-13-ans-de-regnes/

 

 

video de l intervew du Journaliste Miniter http://www.dailymotion.com/video/x22qbmw_exclusivite-richard-miniter-confirme-kabila-possede-15-milliards_news

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  1. Monte McMurchy #

    « Civitas » in DRC

    When an election “is seriously compromised” as suggested by many DRC Independent Civic Observer Groups who in 2011 expressed concern in that thousands of eligible voters were disenfranchised for perhaps not supporting the status quo. The salient issue is: What can the International Community of Civic Civil Electoral Advisors do in addressing this combustive technical and public policy concern in persuading the CENI including the DRC National Electoral Commission to step up and take full civic electoral responsibility in investigating profound allegations of electoral fraud past present and future which includeds conducting the civic electoral process according to the timeline already agreed in the DRC Constitution which not only limits the term of executive office but as well states clearly when national elections must be held.

    The failure of a young democracy like DRC has enormous inter-continent consequences notwithstanding that the ‘democracy idea’ eventually and ultimately will be the end state of every nation on earth. This ‘democracy idea’ remains a most powerful seductive concept [Fukuyama]. In the long run, democracy is on balance the best political system—-not because it allows citizens essential fundamental freedoms but because democracy as a normative concept enhances transparency and rule of law which in the long run will foster and encourage prescriptive ordinal citizen prosperity—the fundamental ontological essence of ‘civitas’—- essential in pluralistic dynamic flowering and flourishing of values connoting and promoting respect, peace, and good order. Civic Institution Elements grossly lacking in many fragile social democratic societies today.

    A ‘Good’ DRC Citizen is alert, engaged and educated in the advancement of pluralistic common values should and must participate in this national conversation and reflect collectively upon the content and character of their shared national DRC identity. In a prescriptive pluralistic society open to engaged polite debate, the motives of good citizens should arise freely as civic social virtue cannot be the product of state civil coercion or servile civic indoctrination.

    A liberal nationalist conception of civic virtue seems to imply some project of institutional design. The state’s institutions and practices need to be structured so as to cultivate and elevate civic virtue among its citizens. The most obvious realm is that of education. One cannot assume that citizens will fulfill their [civic] responsibilities. Good national citizens are more likely to be the products of just institutions subordinate to normative rule of law process and procedure and of active pro-engaged public polity participation not subject to arbitrary state sanctioned administrative bias.

    Civic Education involves reconciling an interest in the social reproduction of citizens with three important values.
    -the question of whether civic education might obstruct individual autonomy, by privileging civic conformity over critical self-direction
    -civic education must account for how parents’ interests in raising their children according to their beliefs and way of life can be accommodated, if at all
    -any transmission of civic virtue should be consistent with the toleration of difference and cultural respect: civic education, most particular the content of school civic curriculum, must not involve the oppressive assimilation of cultural minorities.

    When organized along liberal pluralistic rubric, civic education should/ought be guided by two ideas/concepts corresponding to ends and means. Respecting the ends, the liberal pluralistic nationalist should/ought to promote among future citizens a patriotic desire to contribute to a national tradition. This rules out one method of civic education favoured by many western type societies—a civic minimalism limited to basic political knowledge. Deliberative pluralistic democracy requires a more exacting standard of civic civil citizenship. Civic education should/ought involve an element/form of ‘national’ civic civil education, which equips future citizens with cultural civic civil literacy and which prepares them to participate in critical self-interpretation of the national civic civil culture.

    The essential challenge for this civic civil educative program process is to ensure that any civic civil education is most sensitive to a normative value of cultural respect, which I believe has not historically been the case in many western civic civil education programs. Moral civic civil dialogue should/ought to be fostered and encouraged among all national participants. The young DRC citizens over the course of their schooling and education should/ought have the opportunity to have multiple encounters with peers from divergent social backgrounds, and in the process forge/create/develop effective and affective ties of common fellowship with their future fellow citizens. Following this education rubric the potential exists in: will these future citizens be best equipped to participate in the kind of national-cultural dialogue conversation that defines a pluralistic national civil identity?

    To conclude civic electorally speaking:
    In theory, governance – once a constitution is in place – starts with elections. Let the people decide. But in Africa that great line from Barbara Kingsolver’s novel, The Poisonwood Bible, sums it up: “To the Congolese it seems odd that if one man gets fifty votes and the second forty-nine, the first one wins altogether and the second one plumb loses. That means almost half the people will be unhappy… and in a village that’s left halfway unhappy you haven’t heard the end of it. There is sure to be trouble somewhere down the line.”

    This is especially the case in countries that are divided by ethnicity. Ethnic identity is deeper and stronger than national identity in many countries. In most, ethnic support in elections means the winner must reward that support by spending money in the region. Elections become a simple numbers game, a competition between ethnic-based parties. The winner takes all, leaving great swathes of DRC unrepresented and often ignored by governments.

    J'aime

    9 août 2014

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